Tag Archives: advocacy

Advocacy and Agency in Discouraging Times, Dr. Robert Zuber

18 Jan

One should try to be honest with oneself almost as a daily devotion.  Ian Brady

Never try to discourage thinking, for you are sure to succeed. Bertrand Russell

The world was to me a secret which I desired to divine. Mary Shelly

It is an illusion of idealistic children of light to imagine that we can destroy evil merely by avowing ideals.  Reinhold Niebuhr

An hour of innocence builds more trust than years of diplomacy.  Abhijit Naskar

History does not care about intention. It records outcomes.  Leo Croft

When a philosopher happens to read some of his older texts, and most of the time he shakes his head in disapproval, he can be sure that he is on the right path. For this is an infallible sign that his thought has evolved and that he possesses the capacity to learn, to unlearn, to adapt. Giannis Delimitsos

Why do we call all our generous ideas illusions, and the mean ones truths? Edith Wharton

I have been writing and advocating in the peace and security space for many long years, trying to maintain poise and principle amidst updrafts of needless violence and now the crumbling of an international order that, though far from perfect, has helped hold together some semblance of security and dignity amidst the oppression and greed to which too many of us succumb.

Relative to many people I am privileged to know in this world, I have had a relatively drama-free life.  But I must acknowledge, albeit with some hesitation, that my engagement with an increasingly unruly world, and even with some of the people and organizations with whom we ostensibly share goals and principles, have taken an increasingly heavy toll.

I have attempted over many years to keep my own counsel in part as a service to those with whom I interact, especially the younger people for whom bursts of cynicism or other careless emotional reactions only serve to  push them away from the very work I would wish for them to undertake.  And though I’m clearly losing more and more miles off my proverbial fast ball as time progresses, I do my best to maintain a posture of hopefulness and competence amidst the current chaos.

After all, in a world of sometimes grave suffering, my own drama has been, and remains, more self-inflicted than due to any objective influence.

All this said, I’m not going to keep my own counsel here, which means that some of you who still  read these posts might wish to close this file and move on to more productive endeavors.  For those who remain, which likely includes several folks  also struggling with the current weight of bewildering, unwelcome change, perhaps they and others will relate to what is coming below and, if only for a short while, swap out  their own masks of rationality and competency for a few additional moments of honesty.

As some of you know, I’ve been re-reading some of my graduate school texts and my earlier writings.  In both of these instances, my main take-away has been some iteration of “what were you thinking?” Why did you underline that paragraph while missing the more salient insights down the same page?  Why did you allow yourself to think that articles of yours which were for some unknown reason accepted into journals or magazines might actually be breaking some new ground?  And why did you not run more confidently with insights that you knew to be true but which lacked the courage to pursue? And, finally, why have you been so slow to unlearn and adapt?

These questions seemed especially pertinent as I re-read “The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness” by Reinhold Niebuhr, a book now 80 + years old which had a stunning impact on me at the time of first reading even if its influence on my subsequent writing and activities would remain uneven.

Niebuhr’s Christian realism (not nationalism) spoke to me as one who took the violence and discrimination of the world seriously but felt that many of the responses to such ills were more sentimental than impactful.  By “sentimental” I mean (and Niebuhr mostly meant) the largely unexamined belief that the breakthroughs of history are inevitable; that institutions in which we have spent years such as  the UN are grounded in fundamental principles which ensure their survival and even their prosperity;  that the hard-won achievements of humanity are assured to persist even absent the hard work, dedication and self-analysis required to weed out the hypocrisies that make most of us unworthy stewards of our most profound ideas and values; that we can confront and nullify threats and evils merely by spouting rhetorical condemnations and avowing abstract ideals.  

For Niebuhr, history is creative but not redemptive.  This is how I had come to see it also.  A space where we can participate in and offer correctives as needed regarding the complexities of the world and ourselves, the successes and inadequacies of our policies, practices and aspirations.  To the extent that we can escape our own limitations, our knee-jerk forgiveness of mixed motives and unimplemented ideals, our “rooting interests” which cause pain to those who “root” differently, then history holds possibilities for maximizing dignity, empathy and care.

Possibilities not inevitabilities. 

We now find ourselves at a particularly discouraging moment not only because institutions are crumbling and violence and cynicism are wildly on the loose, but because we humans have not proven ourselves up to current challenges. Indeed, this current, oppressive moment seems utterly beyond our remit. Too many people in shoes similar to mine have allowed ourselves to be blinded by a light of virtuous aspiration which is largely self-manufactured. Such light remains possible in our age as it was in others, and yet our sentimental attachments to what is good, but not yet good enough, have resulted in more fog than illumination, more abstracted diagnoses about the status of institutions and fewer concrete diagnoses about the status of ourselves and our promises to others..

For me, this has long been a double discouragement; in the outsized malevolence of riches and power politics, to be sure, but also in our failure to seize the creative opportunities of the present without turning what works for us into what works for all. We know we can do better, but too many people like me who should also know better as we choose to push our chips into the center of an unstable table that we forget we must vigorously maintain if the table itself is to remain functional.

I am blessed with places to go and friends and loved ones in many of them. I am also someone who has tamed his wants such that he infrequently wants for more of anything.  But as with other friends and colleagues I know, I am veering too close to a tipping point of emotional insolvency. I have become the person  who watches sports instead of movies and documentaries because sports don’t break any of my emotional bubbles. I have become the person who can’t even sing Christmas songs in private without shedding tears. I have become the person who bonds with cats more easily than with many humans, someone whose faith tradition is now in the hands of largely unfathomable forces whose theology offers no truth or comfort, someone who harbors too many secrets  even from himself.

I am not alone in any of this even if the peculiar sources of my discouragement are not always in alignment with others.  Many rightly wonder, even despair over what might still be salvageable in our world, wonder how we can best save what is left of structures that promised much of value but also promised considerably more than they have delivered. Such persons wonder how to adjust to the dismantling of rights and institutions that we have dedicated our lives to improve but too often have also idealized and even taken for granted.

Niebuhr spent much of his writing highlighting the power of self-interest not only in those promoting the darkness of tyranny and injustice, but in the rest of us as well.  Our serial inability to remove the logs in our own eyes such that we can better see the specks in the eyes of others was a cardinal sin of my early years and a deep sadness of my later ones.  As I have come to learn, the moment we disregard our own willful blindness, the moment that we replace honest critique of personal motives with behavior now known as “virtue signaling,” we open the door to violence and worse by those content to heap scorn on our self-congratulatory claims of virtue as they seek to consign such virtue to the scrap heap of history.

When you sit in UN conference rooms day after day over many years as we have done, it is easy to point out the cynicism which infects the practices of many nations, especially but not exclusively the large and powerful ones.  Nations which come to places like the UN to put their best faces on often abusive policies.  Nations which turn their backs on treaties and international law obligations whenever such suits their interests.  Nations which create convoluted rationalizations for behaviors which are clearly contrary to the commitments which led them into the UN in the first instance.

But I have also fudged things when it served some need of mine.  I have also indulged rationalizations for choices that clearly should have taken a different direction. I have also created invitations to cynicism by not saying what needed to be said, by not betting sufficiently on the value of our own critical lens, by not insisting firmly enough that the institutions we say we care about are ultimately not going to improve in any sustainable way until we improve  ourselves as well.

Niebuhr understood well this dilemma of how to confront cynicism in the powerful and malevolent without becoming cynical ourselves. He maintained, rightly I think, that “the children of light must be armed with the wisdom of the children of darkness but remain free from their malice.”  This is a high bar, even for folks in my circles of commitment, as we are persons battered in ways that we can only begin to understand, persons in diverse global settings whose emotional bank accounts have suffered from too many withdrawals and too few deposits. 

Of course these wounds are all relative in volume and impact, but all offer important lessons. For instance, I  have long maintained the view that there is sanity in agency, that the ability to address and resolve (or at least attempt to do so) personal and even global crises is ultimately less taxing on the emotions than feeling trapped in impotence and its oft-accompanying  despair. But agency for myself and others is, indeed must be, more than defending values and ideals, more than rhetorical arguments and clarifications, more than sentimental attachments to institutions and their rules which have proven less effective than advertised and which we have ultimately done too little to energize.  My own life used to be more practical, more personal, more about enabling the agency of others than about brandishing a second-tier policy lens. For the sake of our still-numerous, still-inspirational global connections and my own, now-teetering emotional health, I need to find that missing piece of agency once again.  

May you who have read this to the end find it also.

Pressure being placed on South African Universities to Take a Stance on Israel-Palestine, by Hussein Solomon

19 May

Editor’s Note: This is a thoughtful piece by Dr. Solomon regarding the pressure being placed on university faculties to “take a stand” on the Gaza conflict. While he and I would have some quibbles about the role of universities in these treacherous times, he is right to wonder why Gaza and not Sudan? Why Gaza and not Yemen, or DRC, or Myanmar? And what value does a university vote or any resulting statement in and of itself add to efforts to reverse the violence, end occupation or ensure justice? Is the value merely limited to support of students rightly agitated by this latest incarnation of gross abuse? Agree or disagree at the end of the day, Solomon raises important questions about university advocacy and efficacy which need to be sincerely deliberated.

On the 6th May 2024, the South African Minister of Higher Education and Training, Dr Blade Nzimande expressed his “dismay and disbelief” at the decision of Stellenbosch University’s Senate when it voted against a motion of `Genocide and Destruction of Scholarship and Education in Gaza’. He labelled the decision shameful and called on “all progressive members of the Council, the alumni, the workers, and the student leadership at Stellenbosch University to condemn this morally bankrupt and profoundly racist decision by the Senate”. Three days later, Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor appealed to students and university administrators in South Africa to follow the lead of their US and other international counterparts to join the Palestinian solidarity cause. Leaving aside the thorny question of the autonomy of universities, should we follow the lead of these two cabinet ministers? My answer is a DECISIVE NO!

Often the full important of an event or set of events is known to us only years later. In conflict situations disinformation from all sides is real. How can universities respond to a conflict which we do not fully understand. Universities are not intelligence services, they are not militaries, humanitarian agencies or foreign ministries. In this polarizing world, one needs the dispassionate, reasoned and reflective nature of universities even more to understand the roots of conflict.

According to the Geneva Academy of Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, there are 110 armed conflicts currently taking place in the world. Should South African university senates respond to all of them? Should we issue 110 statements on all these conflicts? The pressure being placed only on Israel gives rise to the question of why is Israel being singled out? This in turn opens South African universities up to the charge of anti-semitism.

It also raises the question of what we hope to achieve with these statements? Just between 2015 and 2024, there have been almost 200 UN resolutions again Israel. What has been achieved? Will Jerusalem shake if a South African university condemns their actions in Gaza?

It is also abundantly clear that certain conflicts are privileged over others. No South African university had any discussion of the 377,000 people killed in the war in Yemen or our government’s complicity in arming those countries involved in attacking Yemen. How about the 6 million people killed in the Democratic Republic of Congo with 31,000 more deaths being added every month? Do they get a mention? What about a statement on the brutal civil war in Sudan where tens of thousands have been killed, millions have been displaced and famine has seized the country. Far from condemning the actions of murderers, the South African President Cyril Ramaphosa hosted General Hemedti in his official residence in January this year. Hemedti has a long history of human rights abuses. He was a commander of the Janjaweed militia in Darfur committing unspeakable crimes against a defenceless population. In that instance, South Africa chose to protect his boss, Field Marshal and President Omar el Bashir from an international warrant for his arrest from the International Criminal Court. 300,000 lives were lost in Darfur and South Africa did its utmost to protect the guilty.

This begs the question: do African lives matter less than Palestinian lives for South Africa?

It seems to me that the ANC has politicized the issue of Israel-Palestine in a cynical attempt to shore up their faltering support base. Others have suggested more malevolent reasons for Pretoria’s stance. Last week, 160 lawyers wrote a letter to the US Secretary of State, Anthony Blinken urging Washington to investigate the allegations that the South African government accepted bribes from Iran to accuse Israel of genocide at the International Court of Justice. If true, consider this foreign policy capture – a variation of state capture – with grave implications for our foreign policy and our country.

In this situation, what should the role of universities be? In my view, no statement should be issued on any conflict. Universities are not activists nor ideologues. This position goes to the heart of what a university stands for. We engage in critical reflection. We stand for diversity, intellectual engagement and tolerance. We promote peace by teaching our students to respect the proverbial other and divergent opinions. We nurture empathy and shatter stereotypes by approach our subject matter in an even handed manner.

Returning to Israel-Palestine, the only breakthrough in the peace process was the Oslo Peace Accords facilitated by Norwegian academics in a track two peace initiative. They could successfully engage with both sides, since both parties trusted their impartiality. Should South African universities issue a statement at the urging of our cabiner ministers, we will surrender this impartiality and foreclose any opportunity to constructively engage in this conflict, end the carnage and create the conditions for an enduring peace for all.

Perhaps more importantly, no South African university should sacrifice their detached academic stance in favour of the ruling party’s agenda in a short-term attempt to bolster electoral support. No South African university should surrender their autonomy to a state which has so spectacularly failed its citizens.