Grasping the Proverbial Straw: A Policy Nod to Customary Wisdom, Dr. Robert Zuber

2 Aug

Do not call the forest that shelters you a jungle.   Ghana

There is no medicine to cure hatred.  Ghana

The teeth are smiling but is the heart?   DR Congo

A fool looks for dung where the cow never browsed.  Ethiopia

One who conceals their disease cannot expect to be cured.   Ethiopia

One who continually laments is not heeded.  Cote d’Ivoire

Seeing is different from being told.   Cote d’Ivoire

Evil knows where evil sleeps.  Niger

Fine words do not produce food.   Nigeria

The heart is not a knee that can be bent.   Senegal

One who upsets a thing should know how to rearrange it.   Sierra Leone

A roaring lion kills no game.   Uganda

Those of you who continue to read these missives know that the quotations at the head of the posts are often as impactful as the prose which follows.  These quotations mean much to me and often to the readers as well.  The ability to capture important human lessons in a sentence or two, to be suggestive without taking on the burden of being  definitive, to leave people with things to ponder as well as ways to grow, this is to my mind a considerable gift.

We who ply our wares in the halls of policy, with few exceptions, do not search hard enough for the images that can stimulate thought and growth beyond their initial utterance.  We use so many words – so many — words which are too-often redundant, repetitive and entirely metaphor-phobic, words often spoken as though we were merely reciting lessons handed down to us in some secondary school, words which may fulfill the “assignment” given to us by our superiors but offer little in the way of inspiration or takeaways, conveying little reason for others to hope or care.  Indeed, inside the UN as with other large institutions, there is little reason to believe that any of our “fine words” will survive the end of the meetings in which they are uttered, if indeed anyone much was listening in the first instance.

We are all constrained by our habits of thought and communication, it seems, and this surely applies to the language of diplomats and those of us on their margins who have internalized the culture of the UN and perhaps misplaced the reality that too many of our alleged constituents have largely tuned us out.  The world remains conceptually-speaking largely absent from our policy bubbles, not because there is an absence of truth in those bubbles but because the conveying of that truth is so often deficient in urgency, in potency, indeed in poetry.  Even during what could be construed as potentially profound UN events – last week’s successful General Assembly discussion and resolution on the “right to a healthy environment” and this week’s NPT Review Conference (nuclear weapons) the language used to convey concern is overly constrained by time in part but also by temperament.  We rush through presentations on important issues as though we have a train to catch.  We speak in the tones to which we are authorized, tones which rarely convey or capture the deep anxieties and misgivings of diplomats, but also of a global public now attempting to cope with a wider range of emergencies than they ever would have imagined.

Thus the decision was made some time ago to balance our own narrative of global events with some profound utterances from other times and through other mediums. So far as I can tell, the only downside of this decision has to do with their sources, likely from too many men and too often emanating only from western cultural contexts as well.  That the quotations in the posts are still more likely to motivate and inspire than any of the “clever by half” prose that generally follows is, to my mind at least, an indication of how much we long for rhetoric which is more compelling than hard concepts gleaned from hard data, more than recitations about the “importance” of institutions and their policy products which have not done nearly enough to inspire our trust or confidence, more than concepts that pull us out of the contexts which still have much to teach if we would only pay more attention to sources of local wisdom and just a bit less to its relentless alternatives courtesy of major policy centers, corporate media outlets, university-based think tanks and published reports emanating from our global institutions.

Such alternatives have literally conquered the conceptual landscape in all but the most remote communities while demonstrating a limited ability (as have we all) to solve problems which now threaten our future as a species.  And thus we’re trying something different today, quotations not from literature and philosophy, not from the recognizable figures in our own fractured western history, but from proverbs; stories and images which people in diverse cultures have long used to communicate truths that, given the difficult and/or complex logistics which define so many of our lives, we have overlooked or forgotten altogether.  The underlying lesson of all these proverbs is that clues to a better life, to better communities, are at least as much in the seeing as in the telling.  The best proverbs take their material from the life around them, life that is available to all if not availed by all, life that has its own lessons to convey beyond rhetoric and textbooks, life calling on us to pay more attention to the insights knocking at our doors, to use all of our senses, to look for and share gifts of insight which can help us exercise caution where such is the more sensible path, and take a deep breath and push forward when more courageous action is warranted.

One of the limitations in the deployment of the proverbs above is my own inability to designate authorship beyond the nation-state.  The best proverbs, of course, have impact across cultural and even national borders.  But we also know that, in African and other global contexts, such borders are functions more of colonial convenience than local assent.   That the proverbs listed here mostly do not have a more specific cultural reference point underscores my own limitations.  Thankfully the lessons embodied in these and other kernels of insight have relevance across cultural divides as they have relevance beyond the limitations of the English in which they are here communicated.

But despite this, it is also the case that we now live in a world dominated far more by fact-checkers than storytellers, a world in which the data sets of our times are as  likely to drive us to despair as to trust and confidence, drive us towards indifference rather than engagement, drive us to see if we can “wait this one out” rather than participate in remediation with the energy and wisdom still at our disposal.   

On top of this, we also inhabit a time where many are championing their own truths in response to what has become a veritable sea of disinformation undermining confidence in any and all institutions and individuals who seek to do their homework and “play it straight” with what they know. We forget that while truth is not subjective as so many now seem to claim, it is always partial, valuable in the contexts in which it appears but not in all contexts, not in all circumstances, at least not in the same manner. 

I would suggest that our erstwhile preoccupation with “truth” grounded in an endless series of verifiable “facts” has not reduced lying – to ourselves and others – even while the cameras are rolling.  We have cultivated an extraordinary ability to accumulate masses of “facts” assembled to create arguments to justify ideas and behaviors which are barely, if at all, justifiable.  Even in global institutions such as the UN, complex arguments leading to one-sided critiques or inflexible assertions of “national interest” have become more and more the coin of the realm.  Acknowledgements of wrongdoing are almost non-existent.  Direct apologies are even rarer.  Clarifications of position are occasionally offered, but little is conveyed indicating that positions have been significantly rethought or revised based on fresh experiences or circumstances. We give lip service to the wonders of science as well as to the need to reach constituents “where they are.”  But the language of bureaucracy is rarely the language of community or culture, and our dominant syntax remains generally too conceptually complex, too “flat” in its application, too-often lacking in thought-provoking affect to inspire the local consent and revitalized initiative upon which the successful pursuit of something truly important like a “right to a healthy environment” ultimately rests.

We need softer landing spots for the accumulation and transmission of human wisdom.  The proverbs listed above and innumerable others of their kind from all corners of the world offer (at least to my mind) a more straightforward, if also incomplete, path to wisdom from a range of sources and from which the rest of us have become too-often detached.  Indeed, a “roaring lion kills no game.” Indeed, “one who conceals a disease cannot expect to be cured.”  Indeed, “one who continually laments is not heeded.”  Indeed, “fine words do not produce food.”  Indeed, “there is no medicine to cure hatred.” On and on, kernels of truth which instruct and provoke, which take what has been seen and convert it into words and images that can connect and inspire. 

Whether in this form or other, we in policy-land need to find more of those simpler and wiser forms of discourse which can stretch our experience, which can make our hearts smile as well as our teeth, and which can forge stronger and more urgent links between the world we are trying to build, the constituents we are trying to reach, and the people we need to become. 

To Expect and Inspire: Sides of a Precious Policy Coin, Dr. Robert Zuber

19 Jul
See the source image

You see what is, where most people see what they expect.  John Steinbeck

To wish was to hope, and to hope was to expect. Jane Austen

You said we cannot sail through, how were you so sure?  Mehek Bassi

Our brightest blazes of gladness are commonly kindled by unexpected sparks.  Samuel Johnson

Peace begins when expectation ends.   Sri Chinmoy

There is no passion to be found playing small – in settling for a life that is less than the one you are capable of living. Nelson Mandela

You can devise all the plans in the world, but if you don’t welcome spontaneity; you will just disappoint yourself. Abigail Biddinger

As many of you know, the past two UN weeks were devoted to the High Level Political Forum (HLPF), a monumental effort by the Economic and Social Council to clarify the expectations of states regarding their commitments to the 2030 Development Agenda and to assess the SDG-related performance of states through a process of Voluntary National Reviews.

This HLPF represents, in essence, the half-way point in a 15 year commitment to sustainable development made in 2015 to shift the direction of a global community in positive ways, but one which has actually seen many core Sustainable Development (SDG) commitments experience course reversals.  Among others, we are not on track to reduce poverty, address food insecurity, eliminate our fossil fuel dependences, end government corruption or build the durable partnerships needed to bring the health and other material circumstances of global citizens up to even minimum standards in this polarized and unequal world.

Given these and other SDG setbacks, those which the pandemic did not help but also did not cause, one would have been forgiven for assuming that this HLPF would be characterized by the kinds of energy and passion largely absent fronm diplomatic discourse.  If there was ever a time to step out of line, to show both urgency and flexibility in terms of how we define the times and our responsibilities to those times, to inspire as well as deliberate, to reassure as well as to demur, this would have seemed to be it.

And we did get some of that, including in the plenary session on ocean health and in “side events” such as one on “water and climate,” another on “invisible” older women, and a third on the sustainability role of local and regional governments, all of which got us closer to clarifying the urgency of the moment and showcasing a bit of the determination needed to overcome challenges, in part due to the active presence in these meetings of issue-relevant NGOs.  And yet, as the conference rooms filled up and the ministers uttered their statements, we could well regret that the polar ice caps continue to melt into the sea, children wait in vain for another meal, our freshwater reserves continue to evaporate or succumb to plastic pollution, and we continue to put pressure on what remains of life-saving reserves by doubling down on water sucking agricultural and meat producing practices, as well as on automobiles which represent a double-whammy of massive water (in production) and fossil fuel uses.

In this and other UN settings, it is fair to ask if what we propose for state and non-state action is possibly sufficient to avert levels of looming catastrophe for which, as with the current pandemic, we remain largely unprepared.

Stepping back for a moment, I was reminded this week of a position which has long guided my own thinking – that how was assess is largely a function of what we expect – that multiple people can look at and describe the very same situation and yet assess it differently based on their own expectation of performance.  Indeed, around the UN as elsewhere, much of the difference in how we identify and evalauatae the performance of this system is a function of what we have been led to expect or allowed ourselves to expect. 

And, I must say expectation levels seem to be headed south as quickly as levels of ocean health. Responses to some of my own frustrations about UN progress on sustainable development or the maintenance of international peace and security is some version of “well, what did you expect?”  The flaws in this response, to my mind at least, are obvious in an institution which seeks on the one hand to raise expectations for multilateral engagement while simultaneously dampening them with reminders that, well, it’s the governments that determine objectives and outcomes and the rest of us can do little more than make our case and hope that some other than the usual suspects is actually listening to what we say.

Another flaw in this complex and often-troubling scenario is the assumptions that expectations are what we have of others, that our role in this drama is largely a passive one, waiting to see if persons or institutions can deliver on what are often inflexible and even fantastical assumptions about how “others” should behave, how the world “should” work, expectations so often disconnected from reality, so often insufficiently flexible to circumstance but also insufficiently engaged with the people and/or institutions to which the expectations are directed. 

I must say that most of the quotations I unearthed for this piece (and didn’t include) failed both the flexibility and engagement tests.  One after another cautioned against having any expectations in the first place, not as a result of some Buddhist epiphany but so one could avoid “disappointment.”  As with so much else in life, the choice to recalibrate these dubious assumptions, to refine our expectations such that they remain both flexible and engaged was difficult to find. That we should be willing to see what is actually present, to refrain from predetermined notions of what “ought to be,” notions seemingly also designed to limit our own participation, is a curse which we have the ability and the obligation to curb.

Where this HLPF was concerned, it was a struggle for some not to give in either to a passive cynicism or a deep disappointment that, yet again, conclusions were not sufficiently relevant to the urgency of the times and young people were no closer to securing a world they can live with.   After “consensus” adoption of the Ministerial Declaration for this HLPF, delegations began to pick apart its provisions, with one caveat after another directed towards language in the Declaration from which delegations maintained the right to distance themselves, some on sovereign policy grounds, others on grounds of culture. Especially troubling to me was the fact that this distancing was most often directed towards language on climate change and reproductive rights, areas of particular urgency for our young people as the planet continues to bake and women’s rights continue to lean in the wrong direction.    

For us, despite another round of discouragement, these caveats must be understood as setbacks but not deal-breakers. If there is not sufficient urgency or inspiration in UN conference rooms, there is still space for us to supply it.  If delegations try to “go small” in keeping with their instructions from capital, we can do our part to expand the frame, to keep the focus on areas of greatest threat, to reassure constituents that we will continue to apply an active and flexible lens to global problems which we know are unlikely to disappear unless we do.

We also recognize that the “cherry picking” around the operative paragraphs of the Ministerial Declaration is unlikely to reassure an anxious global public wondering if the many ministers and leaders of diplomatic missions gathered for this HLPF actually understand what is now at stake. Perhaps they’ve simply heard it all before, heard it so often in fact that there is no longer shock value, no longer anything to hear that can inspire anything more than tepid motions towards a “consensus” which is unlikely to motivate states not already “all in” on sustainable development to significantly shift their national priorities.

What we need to add to the mix is more inspiration, words and images that can move people, move them in ways that our “flat,” cautious and cliche-ridden policy language often cannot, move them to take up their rightful place in the world and affirm the life that can still be theirs.

Indeed, the most inspirational moment of the week might well not have been in the HLPF at all, but in the Security Council of all places where Colombian and UN officials convened to honor the release of the Final Report of the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Co-existence and Non-Repetition. The Declaration emerging from this report is most everything a document of this sort could be — smart and humble, informed and forward looking, generous and fair, tethered both to a complex national history and the spontaneity of its current moment, this and more in gorgeous, moving prose which seeks to vindicate the “blood of brothers” shed over and over by mapping out specific pathways allowing a weary nation to “go further until we love life.”

At the UN, it is now most often the president of the General Assembly who speaks in such tones. But he will leave his office soon and it is up to the rest of us to decide how to maintain that culture, a culture that inspires and assesses courageously, a culture that is not satisfied for one moment until the words on paper become hopeful change for the millions who long for it. For us and others the task is also to maintain flexible expectations in the face of the “unexpected sparks” of change, along with a posture which conveys that a sustainable peace still lies in our hands, especially so as we are able to resist the temptations to see only what we want to see or hurl pre-deteremined expectations at others from the sidelines.

Village Idiocy: An Educational Reflection, Dr. Robert Zuber

10 Jul

I don’t know why I cannot sleep – I slept just fine at school.  Kathy Kenney-Marshall

You are being taught by people who have been able to accommodate themselves to a regime of thought laid down by their predecessors. It is a self-perpetuating system. Doris Lessing

Instruction does much, but encouragement everything.  Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

Teaching is not a lost art, but the regard for it is a lost tradition.  Jacques Barzun

Once a student’s mind is set on fire, it will find a way to provide its own fuel.  Sydney J. Harris

You can’t eat straight A’s.  Maxine Hong Kingston

Under a cruel eye outworn, The little ones spend the day In sighing and dismay.  William Blake

The first week of the 2022 High Level Political Forum (HLPF) is now history. Some interesting and important discussions took place over these past few days on ocean health, gender equality and food security , important not only because they represent top-level priorities for the global community but because they serve as a reminder of our numerous dangling promises, dangling in that the urgency of our collective actions continues to fall short of the responses which the urgency of these times demands.

The HLPF also took up the issue of “education” this week, which as usual for such conversations at the UN was a bit of a hodge-podge of aspirations and cliches, largely dodging the core question of how we who have made a mess of the planet can possibly guide and inspire the youth who are soon to inherit it.

Yes, the “children are our future.” Yes, life-long learning is an aspiration worthy of pursuit. Yes, education in one form or another is essential to the fulfillment of the Sustainable Development Goals, if in fact they are to be fulfilled by our 2030 deadline. Yes, education needs to become more universally accessible, in part because so many children need to “catch up” from pandemic disruptions and in part because we continue to leave on the table so many skills and aptitudes, every one of which will be needed in some form if we are to set this carbon-saturated planet on a healthier course while we still have time to do so.

But in our rush to promote “education” as a sustainable development aspiration, in our campaigns to “innovate” the educational landscape (as with one HLPF side event), I worry that “well-educated” adults are dodging questions and concerns which may not complicate discussions in UN conference rooms but which plague educators (and those who aspire to educate) in a variety of settings.

I have been blessed in my life with some excellent teachers, both in and out of schools, especially in my early adult years, teachers who shared what they knew and gave what they could, teachers far less interested in replication than invention, who rooted for me to become more than I actually became. I have also been blessed to know a bevy of gifted teachers who are contemporaries — John Thompson, Bev Haulmark, Christopher Colvin, John Suggs, Barbara Zelter, Virginia Cawagas, Rien van Nek, Carolyn O’Brien — these and many others who have worked from time to time within school structures but also understand something of the limitations of classrooms, the degree to which the “self-perpetuating thought-regime” we represent can serve as a lifeline for some youth but can also constitute something of a “prison” for others.

In this age, we tend to be enamored of “school” as a physical entity, a place full of chairs and desks in a row, rooms that are age-segregated and hierarchical, driven largely by the expertise of the one in front of the room, concentrating on skills and tasks that we have concluded are essential to “educated” beings but which may not in fact be sufficient to the lives they are destined to lead, lives in significant portion defined by the storms which congregate on the horizon and which they had no real part in creating.

What, we might rightly ask, constitutes that base of skills and knowledge about which some broad consensus is feasible? As we know, at least in the US, schools have become something of a battleground for the ideas and values which parents seek to have reinforced through formal education. How do we talk with children about their own national history in all its messiness and complexity without resorting to slight-of-hand measures such as redefining slavery as “involuntary relocation?” How do we expect schools and our professional educators to prepare students to address existential threats such as climate change and hate speech the existence of which some parents and state officials are unwilling to acknowledge? How are teachers, including the very best of them, supposed to accompany and encourage young people in keeping with the aspirations which motivated their own professional choices when the trust and friendship necessary to accompaniment is institutionally discouraged?

So many of the teachers I know in so many global settings are stuck somewhere between lighting fires in the young and extinguishing them, between sharing lives from which young people could potentially learn much and hinding behind an ever-thickening professonal protocol, between reinforcing the metrics of school assessment and telling them the truth about the genuinely tenuous relationship between good grades and good lives. While they are in school, we want students to do well, to pay attention and resist the temptation to either snooze or act out. But school is not life, it may not in many instances even be sufficient training for life as it is now unfolding and, in any event, you “can’t eat straight A’s.”

The equation which many now draw, even inadvertently, between education and schooling is dangerous both to successful schooling itself and to a world which fails to examine the many factors which influence how students learn, what they learn and, most importantly, what they do with what they know, including how (or if) they continue on a path towards higher levels of wisdom and cognitive synethsis. The educational configuration enveloping our youth is surely in large part about school, increasingly about social media, but also about churches and corporations, families and libraries, neighbors and public servants. It is, in my view at least, important to keep all these formal and informal options alive and assessed, not only for the benefit of young people who may not thrive in more formal settings, but also to reinforce the idea that education is not only what teachers do, but what we all have some responsibility to do, each within our own domains and each with varying degrees of formality and bureaucracy. So long as “education” is left to increasingly harried, overly-scrutinized and under-appreciated teachers, the gaps separating those who make decisions in this fractured world and those who may well become victimzed by those decisions will only widen.

If indeed lifelong learning is a viable educational goal in this world of multiple threats, it will take more than classrooms to inspire it. More than grades and degrees. More than standards-driven learning which over-simplifies reality and prepares students ,for a world which will surely have shifted and shaken under their feet barely before they can even get those feet “wet.”

In the UN General Assembly this week, in a discussion surely relevant to the HLPF, delegates met in informal session to debate elements of a “Declaration on Future Generations” to be presented in September at the GA’s 77th session. While there were no teachers or students present for this conversation, there were a few helpful observations from delegations, including from South Africa and Japan, both of which noted the heavy threat levels under which schooling and related social functions are now forced to take place. Japan expressed the hope that such a Declaration, including its educational elements, could serve to “turbo-charge” our commitment to the SDGs, fulfill our promises to future generations and restore some of the confidence lost by many global youth in many of us global adults.

This is not about “business as usual” rhetorical flourishes on the value of sustainability and innovation. Indeed, as a UN Special Rapporteur reminded, “innovation does not come cheap.” It requires more of our resources, but also more of our humanity including our sharing of lessons learned along our own life paths, the lessons we were often too slow to learn ourselves. There is too much in our world as it is, including violence and strife in multiple forms which, as South Africa and the European Union implored, we should all be loathe to pass on to future generations. But as it now stands, pass on we shall, and the question is who and what can we entrust to the preparation of the young people who are set to assume some weighty responsibilities, whether they are ready to do so or not.

Lest we add villages of idiots to our long generational list of dubious “accomplishments” we must invest more of ourselves in the education of the young in the best and broadest sense of the term. Invest more of ourselves in all aspects of the “configuration” which shapes the values, hopes, anxieties and aspirations of our young people. More than curricular “innovations” and snappy, data-driven assessments. More than the perpetuation of systems which denigrate teachers and create apartheid-like systems of access. More than adults who claim to know more and possess greater wisdom than we do interfacing with young people who know we don’t.

These urgent times require more from each of us if our young people will be able to manage what we are now likely to bequeath to them. I hope at least a portion of them are still listening.

Muddle House:  Confusion over Policy Outcomes, Dr. Robert Zuber

4 Jul
“Hope 1” Pinterest.Com/MX

There’s too many men, too many people, making too many problems. And not much love to go around. Can’t you see this is a land of confusion? Genesis

Much unhappiness has come into the world because of bewilderment and things left unsaid.   Fyodor Dostoevsky

There I was, cold, isolated and desperate for something I knew I couldn’t have. A solution. A remedy. Anything.  Brian Krans

I felt like I had swallowed yeast, like whatever evil was festering inside me had doubled in size.   Jodi Picoult

Feeling lost, crazy and desperate belongs to a good life as much as optimism, certainty and reason.  Alain de Botton

I had talked too much. I had said too little.  Patrick Rothfuss

Fear grew in places unlit by knowledge.  Roshani Chokshi

It’s hard not to feel a bit frayed at the edges these days, confused and worried in equal measure about our personal and global prospects. 

Collectively speaking, we are binging now on acrimony and misunderstanding, perfectly willing to believe the worst of others while postulating a priori goodness for ourselves. In so doing, we absorb all the misinformation needed to turn neighbors into adversaries, parroting political positions with passions which belie the lack of attention we have generally paid to the untoward consequences of that for which we advocate. 

As you well know, there are so many fires raging in the world beyond those raging in our conflict zones and bone-dry forests, so many guns ready to be fired in anger or despair; so many leaders willing to sell out portions of entire populations to preserve the power that will hold them aloof from legal jeopardy; so many people searching for even a short respite from their manifold pressures and deprivations, never-mind finding some actual solution or something akin to a permanent remedy.

I don’t think I am alone in this, and God knows I have contributed to the confusion of others on multiple occasions (perhaps even at this moment). But more and more, regardless of where people sit on the political spectrum, I literally don’t seem to “know” what people are talking about.  I hear the words, I recognize the syntax, but the lack of “sense” regarding what is being said and not said, the hard-core principles detached from worldly experience and evidence, the need to believe beyond what can be reasonably justified, let alone practiced, all of that and more leaves me generally baffled.

Perhaps I shouldn’t be.  I, too, have elements of life which are “there” not due to any structural or cognitive inevitability but rather to my “need” to have them there, my “belief” in certain things which stretches potentially corroborating evidence into some grotesque caricature of itself.  I get it.  I’m not immune from participating in some of the craziness I have made a humble living helping to identify and address, most recently in multilateral policy contexts.

I certainly acknowledge that ,this “land of confusion” we have crafted for ourselves is a place where fear and anger increasingly occupy spaces “unlit by knowledge,” spaces often ceded over to the various demons of our sub-consciousness which, rather than exposing them to the light and freeing up their hiding places for better uses, we have instead converted  their  spaces into something both insular and habit forming,  not unlike a shelter from bombs or tornadoes now deemed too comfortable and familiar to abandon even in the absence of direct threats.

People sometimes assume that, because of our decent policy access, we are somehow immune from  confusion from societies which justify each and every manifestation of “what is good for me is good,” which force 10 year old rape victims to bear children in the name of “life”, which keep other girls of that age and others  out of school in the name of some “religion” or other, which drive economic inequalities to the very limits of human endurance, which rationalize armed violence with wanton fabrications of politics or culture, or which continue to see fossil fuels as the “solution” to a world already consumed by plastic waste, agriculture-killing droughts, and heat waves at the top of our blue planet  that make it easier for polar bears to get sun stroke than find food for their cubs. 

But no, we aren’t immune.  Policy access in and of itself is not the antidote to “feeling lost, crazy and desperate” at times, a condition which defines more circumstances than we imagine. Increasingly we have ingested so much metaphorical yeast that we are bloated with anxiety and uncertainty over the state of the world while questioning our own willingness  (let alone that of officialdom) to rise to this dangerous occasion, to address the nasty wounds quickly turning into nastier infections, including of our basic humanity, our commitment to the dignity of all, not simply the dignity of ourselves and our tribe.

The UN, as most of you who frequent these posts recognize, has long been recognized by us as a place where most of the crucial issues facing our fragile planet find analysis and expression.  At the UN/ECOSOC High Level Political Forum beginning on Tuesday, one planetary promise after another will find space for dialogue and assessment, the latter likely to serve as a reminder of just how much further we need to go to honor the complex and urgent commitments we made to global constituents in 2015.

This HLPF follows on the heels of several other big-ticket events including the UN Ocean Conference (Portugal), the World Urban Forum (Poland) and the Biennial Meeting of States (BMS8) to eradicate the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons held in New York. It has become typical of UN scheduling that its most important events are heaped upon other important events in ways which sow confusion among those in the wider global community seeking to keep track of what is being negotiated and ascertain whether outcomes from such events are in any way sufficient to address the urgent challenges which define our collective present. What do we have a right to expect from these grand, expensive and carbon-saturated global events?  What changes in places of need can we anticipate and how can we determine if the pace of change is adequate to reverse crises both clearly identified and well underway? And at another level, how do we know if the lofty gestures and noble commitments embedded in these outcomes represent genuine, good faith efforts to do what is needed and all that is needed to set the current precarious circumstances on a more hopeful course?

To be honest, there are too many times now when we come away from our monitoring and assessment of this frenetic UN policy environment more confused than reassured. We know a number of the people at the helm of these grand events, and we know them to be largely people of high character who worry with reason that the world we are apparently consigned to pass on is one unfit for their children or grandchildren. But as with all of us, character is not defined by the cautious, measured words we speak — and speak and speak again — so much as by the stories our lives communicate, stories about how we have been humbled and at times even transformed by the things we’ve experienced, the responsibilities entrusted to us, and the magnitude of global crises about which we are, sadly, still largely hedging our bets. If we are honest with ourselves, it is often those things left unsaid, including our own testimonies of compassion, loss and success, and even personal transformation, which could energize and inspire global citizens longing for a viable path forward. This sharing could well take forms of inspiration and reassurance, inspiration for making our hearts and limbs grow fuller and stronger together, and the active reassurance that we simply will not under any circumstances, with all the tools, energy and wisdom we can muster, allow weapons, famine, poverty, species loss or hate speech to have the final word.

The Klimt painting which adorns the heading of this piece serves as a reminder, to me at least, that if hope can be visualized it can be realized; that this “land of confusion” we have concocted for ourselves can truly give way to more honest and intelligible engagements with the challenges that remain within our competent and caring remit.  But progress must be demonstrated if it is to be believed, demonstrated in a way that can dispel the confusion and cynicism endemic in these times. It is our contention that, as helpful as they sometimes are, the careful speeches and tepid resolutions now emanating from our diverse and under-connected policy chambers remain largely insufficient to convince a weary and bewildered world that there is, indeed, “enough love to go around” to make those commitments real.

Boys Club: A Father’s Day Reflection, Dr. Robert Zuber

19 Jun
See the source image
Edvard Munch from Fine Art America

That was when the world wasn’t so big and I could see everywhere. It was when my father was a hero and not a human.   Markus Zusak

No one ever thanked him.  Robert Hayden

Boys are beyond the range of anybody’s sure understanding, at least when they are between the ages of 18 months and 90 years.  James Thurber

I’ve learned a lot about how the male mind works, and as a result I’ve been having nightmares for months.  Yvonne Collins

Boyhood, like measles, is one of those complaints which a man should catch young and have done with, for when it comes in middle life it is apt to be serious.  P.G. Wodehouse

A boy’s will is the wind’s will, And the thoughts of youth are long, long thoughts.  Henry Wadsworth Longfellow

An emphasis on fathering is necessary because of the enormity of its absence.   William Paul Young

He’s still her dad. The rest is just geography.  Jennifer E. Smith

As most of you know, today is Father’s Day, at times replete with awkward moments where, in my family at least, we struggled with perfunctory gift giving to men who had become used to not being thanked for the many subtle and even anonymous things they did for others, men who generally did not offer discernable clues regarding things they might like to have or if the day even had any meaning for them, men  who often ended up picking up the check for an erstwhile “Father’s Day” dinner held at a restaurant they would never have chosen on their own.

As fewer of you may know, today is Juneteenth, a day of marking the effective end of trans-Atlantic slavery, an effective end to men and their families chained inside the hulls of boats making the torturous and often fatal transit across unforgiving seas, the “reward” for survival being sold at auction, separated from loved ones, and now facing an ultimate test of preserving some semblance of the humanity that the brutality of “owners” and the circumstances of enslavement were conspiring  to break down altogether. 

Father’s Day indeed.  Even the simple recognition that those working in the fields were of greater value than the horses and dogs that roamed the property was often more than anyone could expect.  After all, once such value is acknowledged, it becomes morally problematic, even for the most abusive, to see slaves as mere conduits for sexual satisfaction or a bumper crop at market. 

In this precarious time, it would be reasonable, if a bit cheeky, to start drawing lines, the ones that bind ingratitude to grievance, and then to disinformation and then to hate speech, and then to discrimination, and then to outright brutality, sexual violence and even enslavement.   These lines are not tight but neither are they irrelevant.  We reap at least some of what we sow in this life, and much of what we sow now is with inattentive, ungrateful and self-interested hands.  Gratitude, whether to fathers, other family members, or the wider community of interests which sustains our complex lives, remains the first principle in diverting those aforementioned lines towards more productive and dignified sojourns. It is now a principle too-rarely grasped.

But not only now. When I was younger it seemed commonplace to blame mothers for all that was wrong in society, all that was wrong with children who had strayed from whatever path was deemed normative within the family and the wider community.  Having so strayed myself, it was indeed difficult to face a bevy of challenges I was largely unprepared for without casting blame on one or both of the parents to whom I was biologically and culturally tethered.  But there was little doubt in that time that mothers bore the brunt of the liability for who and what their children were to become and that much of that was unfair, in part the consequence of some overly-enthusiastic male psychologists who forgot to remove their own blinders before issuing their pronouncements.

In more recent times, certainly within the policy bubbles which I find myself, while individual males could be honored for their accomplishments, their bravery, even their humanity, the notion of “male” itself has taken a serious hit.  At the UN, the amount of time spent on issues of women’s participation and violence committed against them is quite formidable, not inappropriate at all given levels of abuse perpetrated against far too many women and girls in conflict settings and given the backhanded manner in which the guardians of patriarchy dole out their concessions to women who have in many, many instances outgrown any need or desire for such patronizing largesse.

That said, there is little spoken in UN policy spaces about men and boys, even less that is as thoughtful as it is critical.  For the most part, we don’t have “gendered” policy interests at the UN.  We have women’s interests.  And while the unmet needs of and abuses experienced by men and boys are slowly re-entering the discourse – including surprisingly this week at a good UN event on sexual violence in conflict – we have a long way to go to replace the stereotypes which are now, in my view at least, actually impeding the arrival of a time  when the daughters and sons of fathers can make their way in this wildly unequal world with some hope of finding meaning, purpose and accomplishment during their time on this earth.

It is worth noting here that in the search for quotations for this post, it was necessary to wade through many which were alternately bastions of sentimentality or “clubs” of incrimination, and more of the latter than I might have expected. Indeed, many of the quotations uncovered ostensibly focused on boys were actually offered by young women communicating in one way or another their “nightmares” courtesy of a male mindset which, I suspected at least, they had invested little in understanding beyond how it impacted them.  Let’s be clear. When fatherhood is interpreted through the lens of an absentee and boys are equated with sleep disorders or communicable diseases, whatever pathologies are being cleverly “exposed” are only likely to spread.  After all, most of us of all genders and backgrounds have a hard enough time weaning ourselves from the expectations that others have of us. 

As some of you know, though it is not much in the grand scheme of things, I’ve been funneling money in modest increments for years to organizations accompanying farm workers through their difficult and compromising labors, providing assistance for health and legal access needed to sustain themselves and their families.   I love the painting by Munch adorning this post because, despite current stereotypical limitations, it captures the essence of so many parents I know, so many fathers and mothers who work themselves to the bone in exchange for the affection and respect of their children, conveying an herioc promise to them each day that they will return to the sometimes-dehumanizing fields and factories, even to zones of conflict, to ensure that they have enough, that they are safe enough, that they can navigate the world well enough, that they are loved enough in terms both sentimental and (especially) practical.

Just as I know many boys undeserving of even an analogical whiff of pathology, so I know many fathers who remain resolutely present and active, who strive however they know to keep their promises to their children; to do what they can and guide as they are capable in order to ensure that the “long, long thoughts” of their progeny can lead to dignified and sustainable futures as we pass through these multiply undignified times.  I honor those efforts on their face, but also in the hope that such honoring can lead to a more abundant replication of the best of what I know fathers to be and do.

Lawn Party: Recalling a Movement Still in Motion, Dr. Robert Zuber

13 Jun
Huffington Post

Sorry for the inconvenience. We are trying to change the world. Kate O’Donnell

Nothing strengthens authority so much as silence.  Leonardo da Vinci

The strongest bulwark of authority is uniformity; the least divergence from it is the greatest crime. Emma Goldman

Where you need to be calm, you burst out in rage, and where you need to be on fire, you remain indifferent. Abhijit Naskar

Dedicating your life to understanding yourself can be its own form of protest, especially when the world tells you that you don’t exist. Samra Habib

Kindness, and the commitment to see the other as deserving of human dignity, demands of us to protest, resist, and do all that we can to fight that which says otherwise.  Bruce Reyes-Chow

One of the most important struggles of humanity is to ensure that our ‘fight against hate’ does not become ‘hate’ itself. Adeel Ahmed Khan

Yesterday morning, I dug up my tattered copy of the tepid New York Times coverage of an event that rocked my world at the time but, 40 years later, didn’t rock the planet and its inhabitants in quite the way we who worked and lived through those days might have anticipated.

The event was the so-called million-person march in and around Central Park in New York City, a mass mobilization calling for an end to a nuclear arms race that threatened all life forms and which, or so we hoped, was near a tipping point where sanity might prevail and weapons might be relegated to some scrap heap or other as powerful nations came to their senses and relinquished their nuclear hostage-taking for more positive and collaborative engagements.

Part of the backdrop for this march and its preparations was the Second UN Special Session on Disarmament a follow-up to the SSD1, held four years earlier, which produced mechanisms, largely of dubious effect, to expand and implement the institutionalizing of the UN’s disarmament obligations in accordance with the UN Charter and what was, even then, the clear and demonstrable wishes of many member states.

In hindsight, SSDII more or less threw the million marchers under the bus, leaving it up to the US and (then) USSR to negotiate deeper cuts in nuclear arsenals but not to threaten the pride of place of such weapons in the security postures of the most powerful states.  Despite an almost unprecedented outpouring of public sentiment, it was clear that little would come out of the UN this time to complement that cocophany of voices.  And while there have been notable achievements in the nuclear field since 1982, including the establishment of nuclear weapons free zones and, more recently, a treaty on the prohibition of nuclear weapons, the states harboring nuclear weapons continue to modernize and (in the case of the DPRK) test them.  40 years on, while the area of influence for nuclear weapons and their possessor states has significantly shrunk, the dangers posed by those weapons have not.

In this time of reflection and commemoration referencing the march on the Great Lawn, I’ve been doing a bit on my own.  I’m grateful for the initiatives by some peace and security-oriented youth groups, including our office mates Reverse the Trend to assess that long-ago time, a march that preceded their entry into this world but the successes and failures of which they have surely (and often anxiously) inherited.  Unlike some of their elders, they have refused to embrace a singular nuclear weapons focus, understanding as we all should that these weapons are not the only existential threat we face as a planet and that a sole focus on such weapons is insufficient to move the international system to an urgent reckoning with discrimination and inequalities, food insecurity and ocean plastics, biodiversity loss and massive weapons flows, severe storms and burning forests,  the result in large part of our commitment to unsustainable lifestyles and addiction-like war preparations.

These youth seem to understand, better than many of the people who marched and chanted and left their footprints all over Central Park, that eliminating nuclear weapons remains essential but also elusive and is in itself insufficient to a world experiencing wolves of many stripes baying at every door and window in the human household, their haunting sounds reminding us that time is limited to spring into action and save ourselves from ourselves.

Reverse the Trend and some of their peers have been doing interviews about June 12, 1982 – what happened, why it happened, who was responsible, that and more.  I spent two years of my life preparing for that march, working alongside other peace groups, trying to manage “ incoming” from pervasive anxieties, moutains of responsibilities and egos off the rails, wondering how such flawed people as we were could possibly lead a movement without its own fatal flaws, wondering as well how we could possibly make the disarmament case to people living in poverty or under oppression, people we neither knew nor referenced, people waiting for an invitation to our Lawn Party which apparently never arrived.

I don’t talk about that event much.  Too much time has passed, time to nudge oneself into a role that was more significant than the one actually occupied, time to romanticize and/or demonize people and processes deserving of neither, time to manufacture and defend meaningful connections between that Lawn Party and the very mixed impacts which have followed in its wake.

I learned much from that time, learned that I had things to discern and contribute, learned that the peace movement and its advocates were not always deserving of the public confidence they sought, learned that cultures of war and violence breed weapons-related threats no matter how many people come out to trample the grass in Central Park, learned that part of the solution to what ails us as a species lies not in our institutions but in the integrity and humanity with which individuals who work in and manage such institutions attend to those structures and their attendant responsibilities.

I also learned how unforgiving much of the work of peace and security can be, how many relationships could not stand up to the pressure of a world under siege, some of which could apparently not survive even a whiff of self-scrutiny.  Indeed, amidst the burnout from many months of unrelenting activities, there was a sense that all of these efforts, all of this forced interaction, was transitory, was not much more than a moment in time when we dared to believe in our collective power of voice before being reminded that the afterglow from this party only lasts so long, only illuminates so much, only captures the heart for a season.

I’m glad this march happened and I’m grateful to those who allowed me to be part of it.  But the skepticism of those days has not entirely abated for me.  I still cannot fully trust ideas of peace put forward by people who are themselves lacking in self-reflection.  I still cannot fully trust ideas of peace put forward by people who see no connection between their lifestyles and their policy aspirations, those who assume that the erstwhile righteousness of their cause accrues virtue to themseleves and their character independent of any character-related insight or effort.

That bar applies to me as well. 

The Party on the Lawn is now a distant memory. The grass in the park has fully recovered. The softball crowd has long ago resumed their competitions. The party crowd still with us has dispersed in directions hard to detect, some to new structures of nuclear weapons advocacy, some to work in other and (we hope) complementary issue sectors, others in retreat to a now-familiar world of increasing anxieties and logitstical demands. We all did a good thing 40 years ago, but it was not without its flaws both methodological and personal. The younger ones are now trying to figure out where they stand in relation to what we did and didn’t do. We need to be honest with them and with ourselves. Their party is only getting started.

Sight Lines: Beholding the Other in policy and practice, Dr. Robert Zuber

22 May

Self and other is less of a dichotomy than a continuum. James Hamblin

I’m sorry it took me so long to see you, Alina. But I see you now.  Leigh Bardugo

Human fate gives itself to human fate, and it is the task of pure love to keep this self-surrender as vital as on the first day. Martin Heidegger

We reveal most about ourselves when we speak about others. Kamand Kojouri

We are the other of the other. Marco Aurelio

Our biases against the other are empowered less by our assumptions of their otherness and more by our assumptions about our own normality. Jamie Arpin-Ricci

They think they are sweet reasonableness, and it’s you that’s in the wrong, just by being, and not being like them, or looking like them, or wanting their kind of life. Margaret Laurence

One of the joys of life is to have friends who know you well enough suggest things for you to read that both confirm and stretch your deepest assumptions.  Such happened to me in Georgia a few days ago complements of Dr. Robert Thomas, a friend and Board member of Global Action.

The book he suggested  is entitled “The Other” from the prolific, Polish author Ryszard Kapuściński. Quoting philosophers familiar to me in other contexts, including Gabriel Marcel and Emmanuel Lévinas, Kapuściński urges us to embrace diversity and otherness as a “constituent feature” of the human condition.  Moreover, he accepts the view (as I do as well) that our contemporary predispositions to conquest, to master, to create both abstractions and dependencies are all contrary to some core human aspirations, specifically to see others clearly and compassionately and to be seen by others similarly; to practice a curiosity about the world and each other which is more than meeting, conversing and accepting but which also involves “taking responsibility” for the other, for his/her dignity and well-being as a contribution both to them but also to ourselves. 

Kapuściński warns that much in our current cultural configuration is focused on establishing dichotomies than in affirming the continuum on which all our humanity rests.  Despite our western access to education and technology, we are much too willing to embrace groupthink which can, as he reflects, turn the friendliest of humans into “devils.”  We have demonstrated, over the over, our preference for owning a neighbor’s farm rather than having neighbors.  We defer to anonymous stereotyping even when it is directly contradicted by our own experience.  We continue to assess our own “normalcy” too highly and the “normalcy” of others too dismissively.  We maintain “unfortunate balances” with the Other when a more mutually dignified balance lies well within reach. We have misplaced our “will to become acquainted” and thus undermined the genuine dialogue he posits as the “main goal of encounter.”

Ironically, I was devouring this short text as the UN, our primary and sometimes  frustrating cover, was in the midst of some important policy deliberations, one of which was the first formal review of the Global Compact on Migration adopted in Marrakesh four years ago.

Together with Economic and Social Council deliberations on “operational activities” for sustainable development and Security Council discussions on the relationship between conflict and food insecurity, this review of migration policy in the General Assembly was timely and for the most part hopeful as it alternately recognized and enabled the wide range of persons and professions with a valid stake in both the drivers of displacement and in the care and reintegration of migrants and other displaced persons.  Speaker after speaker reminded the audience of the many contributions that migrants can and do make to recipient communities, but also the many impediments – from racism and barbed wire to trafficking and the denial of vaccines and access to provisions – which mark so many treacherous migrant journeys.  Some of the civil society speakers highlighted the remaining gaps between the aspirations of the Global Compact and our current, collective practices.  As I understood it, this was less about scolding diplomats than about a reminder that the essentials of migrants’ lives, including the basic recognition of their dignity and humanity, remain painfully elusive.  The President of the General Assembly echoed this theme, lamenting the “lost dreams” of children and families which occur when we fail our responsibilities to the Compact, including the responsibility to see with eyes of humanity as much as of policy.

I was in Marrakesh for that GCM adoption though mostly hanging out on the margins with NGOs whose first-hand testimony of migrant’s needs was mostly deemed marginal itself.  However, as it turns out, I was able to spend some good time speaking with a few of the people who were in the city for another reason — to escape some harsh conditions, many of which were conflict related, far to the south across the Atlas Mountains and a vast swath of desert and savannah beyond.  To my surprise, a number of those displaced persons had made their way from the Anglophone region of Cameroon beset by open, ethnic-based conflict over several years. I had previously traveled widely in that region, and it was quite an experience to be able to share stories of life in towns from which they had come and to which I had on more of one occasion made my visits.

I did nothing tangible for these people, of course, nothing at all except to confirm that they came from somewhere; that they had homes and families “back there;” that they missed much about a culture and an ecology far different than the one to which they had temporarily transitioned.  They had come to believe that a future in Europe would offer more stability and opportunity for themselves and their families, and yet the borders of Europe were far from reach.  Indeed, as it was explained to me, the chances of them reaching Europe were more remote than the chances that the local police would apprehend them and drop them on the other side of the Atlas Mountains, leaving them essentially to recalibrate plans and otherwise fend for themselves in the desert heat, surely another blow to both their residual resilience and their confidence in the compassion of others.  

There are so many occasions and interactions in our work which cause us (or should) to question ourselves, our commitment to the well-being of the vulnerable and, even more directly, our connections to those we purport to serve.  Those of us who occupy policy spaces can, if we are not really careful, get away with opinions about ourselves which appear more noble (or as we say at the UN “distinguished) than would likely be confirmed by outsiders.  Indeed, one of the changes we have witnessed at the UN over the years is the presence of more voices from the field – albeit often for short interventions – voices expressly less interested in the “excellence” of our policy community and more concerned with commitments deferred, promises broken, even a failure to see deeply enough to realize that we in the policy community can occasionally enable change but should surely be more careful about directing it. 

This “seeing” which in our case is often more attuned to bureaucratic processes relevant to the Other than to the task of overcoming our reserve, restraint and even mistrust of the Other; such “seeing” must be transformed through what Kapuściński called “the will to become acquainted.”   Simply put, we must not allow the “mass” of media voices or economic ambitions to sideline or even overcome the personal.   If we learned anything during this GCM review week it is that dignity is as important to the Other as provisions.  It is mostly when migrants are invisible to the rest of us, even at times to erstwhile caregivers, that the pain of displacement is felt most acutely.  It needn’t take so long, be so difficult, to see each other in a different, more attentive, more comprehensive way.

For Kapuściński, for us as well, policy which does not promote the dignity of other cultures and languages, which does not intend to exchange barbed wire for welcome signs, which does not encourage lines of sight which are clear and compassionate, is ultimately “a road to nowhere.”  He believes that a rising tide of displacement and our treatment of persons on the move will, indeed, determine the kind of world we are likely to live in going forward. With threats from violence, climate change and the loss of biodiversity and agricultural land; with racist rhetoric, women’s rights rollbacks and violent extremism all on the increase; the challenges associated with overcoming what has become a contemporary cocktail of bias and indifference – in our world and in ourselves — are formidable. 

We need good policy to help mitigate the many disincentives in our world which keep our hearts harder than they need to be and makes mere eye-contact with the Other a largely forsaken act. But more than policy, we need to prepare ourselves at individual and community level for what may turn out to be the greatest of all our contemporary human tests, the recovery of our long-compromised, long-trammeled ability to see each other with clarity, compassion and care.

Reviving Respect for Nurses and their Caregiving Colleagues, Sarah Sicari

15 May

Editor’s Note: Psychiatric Nurse Sarah Sicari was a former intern in our joint office and was a keen observer of both UN policy and of who and how respect is conveyed for contributions and sacrifices made for others. In this short piece, she calls attention to an important truth about the women and men who continue to serve on the frontlines of medical care, including caring for many thousands still getting COVID-19, still dying alone, in some cases still angry that a disease they might have once dismissed is now calling for their lives. We aren’t banging pots and pans any longer, but the nurses who attend to our fragile health and crumbling sanity still deserve our highest respect. The pandemic may be “over” for some of us, but not for nurses. Their skills and energies are as essential as ever and, in too many instances, continue to be stretched to their breaking point.

This past week was nurse’s week, and there has barely been a whimper of acknowledgement, especially considering the trauma we have faced during the pandemic. Nurses are interesting characters to be sure. I personally have felt a love-hate relationship with the profession since I started, and I started officially on March 2020 as a new graduate nurse. We are either ignored or hailed as angels who are subservient to everyone including our patients; or sometimes we are even seen as fascists who like to have control over our patients (check out any out-of-touch youtuber these days and their opinions on nurses). The thing with nursing is, it is a mixed bag. We are humans who have all experienced immense trauma with COVID 19. It is still hard to say to this day what it was like in March of 2020 and then the following winter wave and then delta and then omicron. It felt like punch after punch after punch with no relief in sight. One article I came across mentioned a nurse who left during the middle of his shift and never came back and was never seen again- perhaps he committed suicide. No one wants to talk about our trauma, and I often wonder why that is? Is it because we are your moms, your sisters, your neighbors, your brothers and fathers? Is it because no one really care what nurses have to say or what we have been through?

During the first wave of COVID the only person who stood with your dying family member was the nurse. Doctors would come in but then were able to quickly leave the room, barking orders at nurses who inevitably stayed at the patient’s bedside for nearly 12 hours straight. As I reflect on nurse’s week, I believe that what I would like to hear and my fellow oddball nurses, would be one of appreciation on a universal and grander scale, from the president to my neighbors. The best way to show appreciation is for all nurse’s student loans to be cancelled. Some of us may have questionable views but that is not all nurses and despite the difference from person and person and the politics, nurses went through an immense trauma that only other nurses can fully appreciate and understand. I stand by my colleagues, and I hope that during this nurse’s week others will stand by them along with me.

Small Fry: States and Stakeholders on the Front Lines to Save Multilateralism, Dr. Robert Zuber

2 May

You hide to protect yourself.  Charlotte Eriksson

She hadn’t chosen the brave life. She’d chosen the small, fearful one.  Ann Brashares

It started small, as such fates often do. Nancy Springer,

With a great passion, you can do so much with your little talent.  Utibe Samuel Mbom

Welcome to our tribe of misfits and outcasts and rebels and dreamers. We are the story-weavers. And we’re all on this ride through the galaxy together.  L.R. Knost

At an earlier point in the lifecycle of Global Action, we were described by a former UN official who shall remain unnamed as “small but mighty.”  The small part has persevered through staff and office changes and a pandemic that forced us to rethink all that we had been doing.   As we resume some vestige of our place of scrutiny inside the UN, on social media, and as an honest broker between communities of policy and practice, the term “mighty” no longer applies, if it ever did.  Our concern now is to do as much as we are able with our “little talent,” our modest capacity and almost non-existent budget.   We weren’t prepared for the changes and choices that the pandemic would prompt.  We weren’t prepared either for that time when the doors of multilateralism would reopen, confronting diplomats and even groups like ours with challenges and outright crises with existential implications for the UN if not for the entire human race.  No longer mighty in any real or imagined sense of that term, there is still work for us to do, a role to play, a fate to help transform for many beyond our modest blog and twitter audiences.

As you surely recognize, the global community at present is absorbed by a needless war waged by a permanent member of the Security Council against a neighbor previously part of its larger “Union.”  While there are places on earth which suffer even more from armed violence and attendant deprivation, the aggression against Ukraine has hit a raw nerve.  Without digression into the specifics of that impact, it is clear that this conflict has implications beyond Ukraine’s borders, including food insecurity for states within and beyond Africa dependent on Ukrainian wheat, national budgets already strained from a global pandemic dipping frantically into the global weapons market, and states close to the conflict zone scrambling to find reassuring security ties which may or may not ultimately reassure.

In addition to the norm-busting atrocity crimes associated with the Ukraine aggression, it is the UN system itself which seems to be teetering on the brink of yet another stern blow to its credibility.   Despite all of the activity around UN Headquarters (especially in the General Assembly) since the first inklings of invasion – from ocean health and international justice to peacebuilding financing and the strengthening of global prohibitions on torture, slavery and violations against children — there have been few moments devoid of an  undercurrent of dread about the future of an organization (especially given its Security Council) which can muster up brave and competent humanitarian response to conflicts which it, time and again, can neither prevent nor resolve in a timely manner. One or more of the larger powers, once more and with unprecedented bravado, has demonstrated that the rules only apply, if they apply at all, to the smaller states, the ones that can be pushed around, the ones who must “hold their noses” in diplomatic terms due to their security and economic ties with the larger states, ties which UN diplomats are rarely authorized to threaten. 

I’m sure this is true for others as well, but in my own case the volume of “suggestions” from friends and colleagues that this might be the time to get out of the UN rather than double down on at least a couple of core UN-related commitments has grown dramatically.   After all, if small states can be maneuvered into relative submission by the security interests of the major global powers, how much easier is it to push our little NGO into a corner where we are free to fight imaginary windmills of global policy without the slightest chance of altering their movements?

For over 20 years through some very lean and uncertain times, we and others  have never accepted banishment to that corner, have never accepted the notion that our size automatically guarantees policy impotence.   And to its credit, the UN system and many of its smaller member states are pushing back as well, are both insisting and demonstrating that a system which guarantees sovereign equality at its core does not have to fold in the face of this latest (and in some ways most severe) challenge to UN Charter values by one of the states once accorded a special responsibility to uphold those values.

You can see evidence of this small state trend all over the UN system.  Barbados through its extraordinary Prime Minister Mia Mottley has helped keep the UN focus on the particular economic and ecological vulnerabilities of small island states.  Liechtenstein has been a consistent force on international justice and recently shepherded a resolution through the General Assembly triggering a GA meeting every time a permanent Security Council member issues a veto in that chamber.   Costa Rica has been a consistent supporter and enabler on issues from gender justice to disarmament. Kenya has been a strong and principled voice in a UN Security Council desperate for its policy clarity.  Fiji and other Pacific states have sounded the alarm on ocean health including existential threats from warming seas and declining fish stocks.  And the current President of the General Assembly, Abdulla Shahid from the Maldives, has taken care to ensure that the GA is involved in all relevant issues — from development finance to pandemic vaccine access and Security Council reform; and that that the voices of a wide range of small states – beyond regional statements and those by groups such as the Non-aligned Movement and The Group of 77 and China – are encouraged, heard and respected.

And the GA president is not isolated in this effort.  Last week, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Singapore convened an event entitled “Small States, Multilateralism and International Law” which highlighted reasons and resources relevant to why multilateralism and international law mean so much to small states and what such states can do to preserve a flawed but indispensable system from the too-frequent ravages of larger states and their leadership.   As Chair of the  Forum of Small States (FOSS), the MFA underscored a range of ways that small states can positively impact multilateral forums, including their insistence on both promise keeping and in promoting stability in matters of economy, ecology and economy upon which such promises can indeed be met.

During this session, some wise and passionate contributions emerged from small states across the globe, including from Jamaica’s Minister of Foreign Affairs who urged all to “push back against isolationism and unilateralism” and to reaffirm International law as our “guard-rail.” Denmark affirmed the role of small states as “true guardians” of the international order and a corrective to a still impactful “might makes right” mentality.   Even China took the floor both to acknowledge that “large states are not particularly popular at present,” and to insist that all must push harder to eliminate the “unfairness and injustice” in the international system. 

But it was the GA president Shahid who provided the main takeaways, for me at least, reminding the audience of his role in upholding the legitimacy of the Assembly in part through assurances that the voices of small and large members in the Hall over which he presides “have the same status,” while insisting that “states can be both small and significant,” empowered and empowering.  Indeed it may turn out that unlocking the full bravery and wisdom of small states will be key to preserving the credibility of a UN which continues to groan under the weight of threats from large states using UN mechanisms in part as a backhanded way to achieve national interests, including those at firm and resolute odds with the values and priorities embedded in the UN Charter.

We know from our own work that the world is filled with “story weavers,” rebels and dreamers who wonder aloud if the structures of global governance we have inherited and done too little to change can be trusted with the immense crises chipping away at our fields and shores, our courts and communities.  Theirs are the stories which we patronize routinely and heed infrequently.  Theirs are the stories emanating from obscure communities and small states, those places which have more to offer to help us restore legitimacy to the institutions which we know we need and which are being undermined, day after day, by one or more of their erstwhile state guarantors. 

We also know from our own experience how easy it is to hide from the responsibility which is ours to discharge, how easy it is to choose the “small and fearful,” thereby burying rather than sharing our assets. We know as well that small is not always beautiful, nor is it always effective.  But in a world dominated by billionaires, predatory economics and weapons merchants – in some instances the very same people – it is the small and determined, the attentive and passionate, who can create conditions for a reset of a global system now teetering in too many instances on the brink of its own invalidity.

During the “Small States” event, several states concluded their remarks with a Star Wars spinoff:  “May the FOSS be with you.”   Indeed, may the FOSS be with all of us, states and peoples willing to share and risk to preserve the full promise of multilateralism from those who seem determined to destroy it.

Trust Deficit: The Future of UN Engagement from a Youthful and Developing Country Perspective, by Jamshid Mohammadi

20 Apr

Editor’s Note: Here is another post from Jamshid Mohammadi who is well through his internship now and has been spending more time inside the UN at youth, environment and peacebuilding events. The premise of this piece is that the UN’s engagement with the Taliban going forward needs to be youth-focused and depoliticized. The Taliban’s denial of educational access by Afghan girls is just one example of how the neglect of Afghan youth at present will seriously impede development and reconciliation in the country.

As a Muslim first and an Afghan second, Ramadan is the most cherished month of the year as Muslim families come together in Iftars to bond, bridge and link with one another, starkly similar to depoliticized form of Robert Putnam’s view of social capital to which I will return towards the end of this post. This year in New York, miles away from family without hopes of early reunion, I bond, bridge and link with colleagues here at Bard Globalization and International Affairs program (BGIA), and sometimes with diplomats and civil society organizations inside the United Nations (UN) with my grounds pass provided by Global Action to Prevent War. Civil society in Afghanistan has had a particularly bumpy road as tyrannical regimes, dictatorships, civil war, foreign imposition and religious radicalism have loomed across Afghanistan. In states facing conflict transition, civil society organizations remain a foundational force to foster norms of trust and reciprocity among an often-highly polarized populace, and to establish a framework of non-violent resistance against tyrannical regimes and their draconian policies.

Under US and NATO imposition, Afghanistan began to cultivate what was in some ways a vibrant civil society after years of armed conflict; yet the country largely failed to establish what Tocqueville described in Democracy in America, as “strong associational ties” among civil society organizations to foster the capacity of that sector to promote norms of reciprocity and trust towards unified social goals. It also largely failed to create Putnam’s version of social capital via a solid platform characterized by shared identity and goals. When I speak of the role of civil society, I include supra-national organizations like the UN positioned alongside state institutions. Despite some obvious limitations in terms of trust-building and state-building, Afghans have legitimized and largely supported the UN’s influence on Afghanistan’s socio-political policies. Take for example the post-Bonn political setting in which UN planning played a central role. It goes without saying that the growing mismatch between the capacities of the state and the needs of the population has made the work carried out now by the UN in Afghanistan of particular importance. Last month, the renewal of the UNAMA mandate for Afghanistan by the Security Council was a critical step towards modifying and even reversing the suppression of Afghans’ basic human rights by the Taliban. Another important segment of this mandate is to enable humanitarian assistance with strong transparency in aid management as the country grapples with a devastating humanitarian crisis. In principle, the current UNAMA configuration is celebrated as was the US-based democratic state in Afghanistan–-strong and proficient on paper, but now with the rise of the Taliban perhaps relatively weaker and more fragile in action. The Afghan people seem largely resigned to live through broken promises from the post-Bonn democracy as well as from the Afghan peace process once again.

As recognized, the work carried out by UN in Afghanistan may be the only mechanism that is currently capable of bridging the gap between the mismatch of service delivery and basic needs of the citizens. However, the attempt at state-building in Afghanistan is as much a collective failure as it is a shared obligation.  The cost of this collective failure is now being paid by the Afghan girls going to high school only to face closed doors; Afghan women empowered to educate themselves but now without jobs or clear avenues for political participation; and many Afghans who sacrificed much on the road to what they hoped would be perpetual peace for their country.

As the UN navigates through a myriad of issues which must be negotiated with the de facto government in Afghanistan, the Taliban continue to suppress Afghans in their attempt to gain international legitimacy regardless of how much political legitimacy is demolished at national level. This part of the post is where I must quote John Adams: “every problem is an opportunity in disguise”. This historic juncture in Afghanistan’s history is likely a point in time to recognize the opportunity lurking in disguise. But what form does this take?

Youth Centric and Depoliticized UN Involvement in Afghanistan Based on a “winning hearts and minds” narrative, a further legitimizing of UN involvement in Afghanistan requires an approach that is both youth-centric and depoliticized. The UN must continue to enable the role of youth in shaping policies in and across Afghanistan. This generation of youth displaced by the rise of the Taliban has nevertheless cultivated strong social capital that revolves around bonding, bridging and linking throughout 20 years of shared struggles, including under the former UN-backed government and the international stakeholders which have been pervasive in Afghanistan. What comes in addition to strong associational ties is empathy for all Afghans equally; Afghans often divided, even at times by the UN, into urban and rural communities. The full inclusion of this generation in UN’s decision-making regarding Afghanistan can potentially generate new political legitimacy as well as sustainability, and this made even more possible as the UN helps stakeholder to see Afghanistan beyond references to global and regional political rivalries, thus depoliticizing involvement in Afghanistan. Much of the UN involvement now seems focused on removing logistical and structural impediments in central regions of Afghanistan whereas Afghan citizens residing in the rural areas remain somewhat deprived of international humanitarian assistance channeled through UN and other international stakeholders. Adopting a youth-centric approach enables UN to connect with rural populations despite such logistical and infrastructural impediments. Connection between young Afghans became evident as they undertook efforts to distribute aid packages to families across the country, even in some rural areas often beyond the reach of the international community and previous government. This knowledge and connection should be included in the UN’s vision for reaching Afghans from all walks of life.

What, then, are some preconceived perceptions and expectations that we need to overcome to design a more accurate and effective response to looming uncertainties in Afghanistan and other countries with similar religious and cultural contexts? In many fragile country cases like mine, external perceptions and expectations can be alienating to local populations, and certainly to governments with fundamental challenges related to political representation. Taking a combined youth-centric and depoliticized approach is an option I recommend because it serves as a counter-weight to illegitimate states and better connects with civil society organizations and diverse citizens in general. The case of Afghanistan is no exception to this. As the Taliban consolidate power despite a lack of political legitimacy, the UN must go well beyond conventional mechanisms to address the challenges facing Afghans. I began with a mention of Putnam’s theory of social capital and come to it now as I discuss unconventional efforts to establish more effective UN engagement in Afghanistan. In South Asia, Hindu nationalist party of Modi is consolidating power at the cost of Muslims, the Pakistani deep state and security establishment has deepened control over civilian leadership, and the Taliban are imposing tyrannical policies to sustain their totalitarian reign. Against all this stands Civil Society organizations, more and more of which are run by younger people, taking stands and (and taking risks) against oppression and using creative means to promoting international norms and principles advocated by United Nations.

Counterbalancing unconventional policies of oppressive states requires unconventional UN engagement. Thus arguing, the UN must develop and promote robust policies to navigate around the challenges of tyrannical regimes and hybrid democracies to connect with and build a stronger civil society. Civil society in Afghanistan, for example, lacks support to craft a unified front against growing control by the Taliban. It lacks what Tocqueville described in Democracy in America, strong associational ties among the populace, especially one as heterogeneous as with Afghans, which is an impediment to establishing a unified stance against Taliban’s oppressive policies. Deborah Lyons, Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Afghanistan and Head of UNAMA, is doing an outstanding job in reflecting ground-realities of Afghanistan. Many Afghan youth generally agree with what she has to say because she reflects what so many of us also perceive and expect, including a country that is doing much better than at present at educating and integrating all sectors of its youth. 

In order to build a stronger civil society and modify government excesses, the UN must continue to do its best to understand the Taliban as they are. As an Afghan, I hate to see prospects of another armed conflict in Afghanistan, so I have a natural inclination to hope for a changed, reformed Taliban. The UN seems to hope for the same, though in both instances more than hope is needed. Deborah Lyons, for example, could do more to challenge Taliban policies that suppress civil society and reverse promises of amnesty. The approach I vouch for here seeks an equal division of attention toward all current challenges to basic human rights. For example, as much as I want to uphold the importance of girls in school for the sake of the long-term prosperity and equality of Afghanistan, I vouch for equal attention to the Taliban’s broken promises of amnesty and to issues such as the ongoing suppression of local journalists.